WASHINGTON — For two years, Roger J. Stone Jr. has seemed like the most obvious suspect in an old-fashioned mystery, the self-described dirty trickster taunting the special counsel, Robert S. Mueller III, to come at him while selling T-shirts proclaiming his innocence.
Mr. Stone has tried to write himself into history since he worked on the re-election campaign of President Richard M. Nixon, whose face is tattooed between his shoulder blades, and his critics say he often overstates his own role in the dark arts of politics. But Mr. Stone set his sights on becoming a celebrity, and when F.B.I. agents burst into his Fort Lauderdale, Fla., home on Friday morning to take him into custody, he found himself where he has always wanted to be — center stage.
Emerging from the courthouse after his arraignment, Mr. Stone, dressed in a plain navy blue cotton polo shirt and bluejeans, threw up his arms in a Nixon-esque victory salute and shouted what has been the mantra of his colorful career.
“I have always said, the only thing worse than being talked about is not being talked about,” Mr. Stone said, announcing that he would plead not guilty and accusing the F.B.I. SWAT team that burst into his house of terrorizing his wife and two Yorkies.
[Read more about Mr. Stone’s arrest and the charges against him.]
Court papers suggested that Mr. Stone’s claims that he was somehow connected to the timing of WikiLeaks’ release of emails that damaged Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign may have been more than just puffery or swagger.
In an interview after he was released from custody, Mr. Stone said he believed that “these charges are politically motivated,” and called them trumped up to compensate for the special counsel’s inability to prove collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia.
“Roger has been so skillful over the years at feeding the legend that Mueller believed him, or at least conveniently wanted to,” Matt Labash, a conservative who wrote a definitive profile of Mr. Stone for The Weekly Standard in 2007, said on Friday.
During the 2016 campaign, Mr. Stone played up his role as a conduit to Julian Assange, the WikiLeaks founder, suggesting they had spoken and that he had advance knowledge of the website’s publication of hacked emails from John Podesta, the chairman of the Clinton campaign. He also exchanged messages on Twitter with Guccifer 2.0, a pseudonym used by Russian intelligence agents to scheme and steal emails and direct them to WikiLeaks.
“It will soon” be “the Podesta’s time in the barrel,” Mr. Stone tweeted in August 2016, ahead of WikiLeaks’ publication of Mr. Podesta’s emails. The tweet was taken as a reference to Mr. Podesta; Mr. Stone has insisted he was referring to the Podesta brothers, including Tony Podesta, a prominent lobbyist.
Mr. Stone has since been suspended from Twitter, and also at times changed his story, claiming that he had no direct knowledge that Russians were responsible for the hacking of the Democrats, and retracting his claim that he had personally communicated with Mr. Assange. He has described it as merely an attempt to promote himself.
Mr. Stone’s tactics of claiming credit for scandal-mongering and then vanishing from the scene of the crime go back decades.
In 2007, he resigned as a political aide to a top New York Republican lawmaker after being accused of leaving a threatening voice mail message for Bernard Spitzer, the father of Gov. Eliot Spitzer.
In the profanity-laced message, he allegedly told the elder Mr. Spitzer, who had Parkinson’s disease, that he would be “compelled by the Senate sergeant-at-arms” to testify about “shady campaign loans” made to his son during a failed campaign for attorney general in 1994, and that he would be “arrested and brought to Albany” if he resisted.
Mr. Stone denied the charges, claiming as an alibi that he was at the Broadway show “Frost/Nixon” the night of the alleged call. But Mr. Stone was undaunted when it turned out that the play was dark that Monday. “My wife already reminded me I actually saw the play on a Wednesday,” he said. “I still recommend the play to the governor.”
But his war with the Spitzer family was not over. In 2008, after Mr. Spitzer resigned from office after he was caught on a federal wiretap arranging to meet high-priced prostitutes, Mr. Stone claimed credit for spreading the rumor that the governor wore his black dress socks during his sexual encounters with prostitutes, an indelible image that has stuck to Mr. Spitzer.
Mr. Stone began burnishing his legend as a 19-year-old political wunderkind willing to break the rules.
Using a pseudonym, he made political contributions from the Young Socialist Alliance to the Republican challenging Mr. Nixon for the party’s nomination in 1972, Pete McCloskey. He then presented the campaign donation to a newspaper as proof that Mr. Nixon’s opponent was a puppet of the left. He also hired an operative to try to infiltrate the campaign of George McGovern, the Democratic nominee. That prank cost him a job with Senator Bob Dole.
But he was hardly recognized for his efforts. The Nixon Foundation, pointing out his age at the time, said on Friday that any characterization of him as a Nixon campaign aide or adviser was “a gross misstatement.”
Mr. Stone’s willingness to toe the line between playfulness and villainy was not something he outgrew.
He wrote online columns and had his own website. A man who took pride in his natty clothes like custom suits with wide pinstripes and broad lapels, Mr. Stone published an annual “best dressed” column in The Daily Caller, the conservative website. Before he was suspended from Twitter, Mr. Stone used the site to play out long-running gags. For instance, he pretended that his friend and associate Randy Credico was dead and tweeted about it frequently, even having mass cards printed about his passing. Mr. Credico is referenced in the indictment of Mr. Stone, but not by name.
His texts with Mr. Credico showed him urging his friend to “do a Frank Pentangeli,” a reference to a character in “The Godfather: Part II.” In the movie, the character lies to a congressional committee to avoid damaging the head of the mafia family, Michael Corleone.
But in his dealings with President Trump’s campaign, Mr. Stone’s appetite for pushing the limits of the law finally crossed a line, prosecutors said.
“Roger has a long track record of self-destructive behavior, and he is more often than not his own worst enemy,” said Morgan Pehme, the journalist and filmmaker who helped write and direct the Netflix documentary “Get Me Roger Stone,” which was released last year. “This indictment seems to reflect that trend in his life.”
Mr. Stone’s high jinks did not prevent him from at one point becoming part of the Washington establishment. Alongside Paul Manafort, the former Trump campaign chairman convicted of financial fraud, he created the powerhouse consulting firm Black, Manafort and Stone in the 1980s. The firm, a product of Reagan-era Washington, helped create the “swamp” culture of selling influence, representing, among other clients, dictators and foreign political parties that were accused of ties to drug trafficking.
One of their early clients was Mr. Trump, who had been introduced to Mr. Stone by Roy Cohn, Mr. Trump’s longtime lawyer and mentor, who also counted Mr. Stone as one of his protégés.
Their relationship, over the years, has proved to be fraught but durable, marked by repeated falling-outs and reconciliations. In 2011, Mr. Stone was involved in Mr. Trump’s deliberations over running against President Barack Obama. He gave interviews saying that Mr. Trump had billions to spend on a campaign, and laid out a message that was close to Mr. Trump’s “Make America Great Again” slogan of 2016. But when Mr. Stone got too much attention, Mr. Trump told reporters that his adviser was not speaking for him.
Mr. Trump eventually opted out of a race in 2012, choosing instead to continue on with his reality show, “The Apprentice.” When Mr. Trump briefly explored a potential run for governor in New York in 2013, Mr. Stone advised against it. Mr. Stone was one of the few early aides involved in the 2015 race until he quit a few months into the campaign; Mr. Trump insisted Mr. Stone was fired.
Since taking office, Mr. Trump has at times become enraged at what he sees as excessive news media attention surrounding Mr. Stone. People close to the president have long maintained that he is leery of his old adviser, only interested in keeping Mr. Stone near enough that he would not feel cast aside. Yet time and again, Mr. Trump — who refers to him as “Rog” — would turn to his old friend.
Ultimately, the question from the indictment is what the campaign — and Mr. Trump — may have known about Mr. Stone’s correspondence.
In Mr. Pehme’s documentary, Mr. Manafort was filmed at length discussing how intertwined Mr. Stone is with the president. “It’s hard to define what’s Roger and what’s Donald,” Mr. Manafort says in the film. “They both see the world in a very similar way.”
Speaking outside federal court, appearing unbowed, and even to be taking pleasure in the spectacle, Mr. Stone said he would not testify against the president. “I am one of his oldest friends,” he said. “I am a fervent supporter of the president.”B:
【正】【声】【名】【鹊】【起】，【算】【得】【上】【一】【代】【枭】【雄】【的】【征】【南】【将】【军】，【苏】【护】。 【嘴】【巴】【张】【了】【张】，【星】【眼】【圆】【睁】…… 【毙】【命】！ 【连】【招】【降】【或】【审】【问】【都】【省】【了】，【痛】【快】【得】【让】【人】【错】【愕】！ 【认】【真】【说】【来】【苏】【护】【确】【实】【是】【个】【顶】【级】【人】【才】，【更】【是】【个】【高】【级】【气】【运】【之】【子】。 【能】【文】【善】【武】，【又】【能】【言】【善】【辩】【智】【慧】【如】【鬼】…… 【可】【惜】，【两】【人】【仇】【怨】【已】【深】，【姬】【湦】【也】【没】【兴】【趣】【去】【感】【化】、【降】【服】。 【在】【姬】【湦】【心】
【霸】【王】【蝎】【的】【血】【量】【很】【快】【就】【只】【剩】【下】【小】【小】【一】【截】，【优】【夜】【眼】【睛】【一】【亮】：“【慕】【白】、【辛】【吹】！【跳】【下】【去】【补】【刀】！” “【好】！” 【慕】【白】【一】【跃】【而】【下】，【阿】【萨】【辛】【大】【人】【千】【秋】【万】【代】【也】【从】【灵】【灵】【妖】【背】【上】【跳】【下】，【但】【是】【跟】【一】【下】【去】【就】【利】【用】【惯】【性】【来】【个】【空】【刺】【的】【慕】【白】【不】【同】，【从】【灵】【灵】【妖】【背】【上】【一】【下】【地】，【阿】【萨】【辛】【大】【人】【千】【秋】【万】【代】【就】【没】【忍】【住】【弓】【腰】【干】【呕】【了】【起】【来】。【虽】【然】【是】【在】【全】【息】【游】【戏】【里】，【第】【五】【世】
【黄】【小】【培】【一】【起】【身】，【那】【边】【的】【苏】【子】【涵】【那】【是】【高】【兴】【了】，【连】【忙】【转】【过】【身】【去】【看】【电】【视】【去】【了】。 【于】【苏】【子】【涵】【而】【言】，【这】【个】【大】【妈】【确】【实】【话】【有】【点】【多】，【每】【次】【都】【让】【跟】【她】【说】【的】【话】【都】【让】【她】【有】【些】【费】【解】，【她】【自】【然】【只】【当】【是】【左】【耳】【朵】【进】【右】【耳】【朵】【出】。 【反】【正】【苏】【子】【涵】【也】【不】【知】【道】【她】【在】【说】【什】【么】，【至】【少】【在】【她】【奶】【奶】【那】【里】，【还】【没】【听】【说】【刷】【牙】【这】【件】【事】【情】【到】【底】【是】【什】【么】【事】【情】，【也】【没】【让】【她】【做】【过】，【她】【可】【管】彩色红薯视频生财有道【这】【三】【场】【大】【战】【下】【来】，【维】【护】【了】【大】【明】【的】【主】【导】【地】【位】，【平】【定】【了】【内】【乱】，【但】【也】【带】【来】【了】【一】【个】【严】【重】【的】【后】【果】，【那】【就】【是】【财】【政】【支】【出】【太】【大】，【打】【仗】【可】【是】【要】【花】【钱】【的】。 【三】【场】【大】【战】【一】【共】【用】【掉】【了】【超】【过】【一】【千】【二】【百】【万】【两】【白】【银】【的】【军】【费】，【甚】【至】【万】【历】【皇】【帝】【的】【内】【库】【都】【被】【掏】【空】【了】，【而】【继】【承】【自】【李】【太】【后】【的】【爱】【钱】【本】【性】，【让】【万】【历】【皇】【帝】【想】【方】【设】【法】【的】【弄】【钱】。 【而】【此】【时】，【正】【是】【西】【班】【牙】【国】【力】【正】
【尽】【管】【知】【道】【这】【是】【一】【个】【摆】【明】【了】【的】“【陷】【阱】”，【目】【的】【就】【是】【让】【风】【浩】【主】【动】【去】【钻】【这】【个】【圈】【套】，【然】【后】【好】【一】【网】【打】【尽】。 【毕】【竟】【在】【这】【一】【段】【时】【间】【的】【试】【探】【之】【中】，【风】【浩】【这】【边】【的】【人】【尽】【管】【取】【得】【了】【不】【小】【的】【战】【果】，【但】【是】【对】【方】【也】【相】【信】，【他】【们】【布】【置】【在】【气】【运】【柱】【之】【中】【的】【圈】【套】，【已】【经】【让】【风】【浩】【得】【到】【教】【训】【了】。 【对】【方】【猜】【到】，【风】【浩】【已】【经】【没】【有】【办】【法】【撼】【动】【其】【他】【八】【根】【气】【运】【柱】，【所】【以】【便】【找】【了】
【家】【里】【的】【事】【儿】【都】【处】【理】【完】【了】，【简】【言】【和】【季】【炀】【都】【要】【开】【工】【了】。 【毕】【竟】，【整】【个】《【仙】【录】》【剧】【组】，【还】【在】【等】【着】【他】【们】【呢】。 【作】【为】【这】【部】【剧】【的】【男】【主】【人】【公】，【季】【炀】【任】【重】【道】【远】【啊】。 【他】【决】【定】【退】【出】【娱】【乐】【圈】【的】【事】，【也】【只】【能】【等】【这】【部】【剧】【杀】【青】【以】【后】【再】【说】。 【简】【言】【和】【季】【炀】，【两】【人】【同】【坐】【一】【趟】【航】【班】【去】T【市】【和】【拍】【摄】【组】【汇】【合】。 【接】【机】【的】，【是】【庞】【大】【的】【粉】【丝】【团】。 【两】【人】【都】
【中】【午】，【显】【然】【马】【芸】【母】【女】【是】【不】【会】【那】【么】【快】【过】【来】【了】，【依】【然】【只】【有】【甘】【薇】【恩】【跟】【郭】【子】【臻】【两】【个】【人】【吃】【午】【饭】。 **【里】【许】【多】【人】【一】【天】【吃】【两】【顿】，【或】【者】【一】【天】【吃】【一】【顿】，【还】【有】【的】【可】【能】【还】【吃】【不】【上】【饭】。【不】【过】，【甘】【薇】【恩】【没】【有】【这】【样】【的】【烦】【恼】，【自】【然】【顿】【顿】【吃】【香】【喝】【辣】，【一】【天】【三】【餐】【不】【变】。 【今】【天】【中】【午】【吃】【的】【是】【空】【间】【里】【的】，【郭】【子】【臻】【也】【很】【疑】【惑】，【甘】【薇】【恩】【到】【底】【是】【什】【么】【时】【候】【囤】【积】【那】【么】【多】